Political Participation of Women in Nigeria:
Why is it still so low?

By Aishat Braimah & Mohammed B. Abdulsalam

Although, women in Nigeria are not totally excluded from political discourse, the political participation of women is still an urgent concern, and widespread calls for increasing participation have occurred. Not only does the under representation of women in the political sphere undermine the democratic nature of governance that Nigeria seeks out to assume, but over half the world’s population consists of women and their role in societal development is irrefutable. Since the constitution of the fourth republic in 1999, efforts have made by women’s groups, advocates and civil society organizations (CSOs) to increase the political participation of women. Feminism and narratives on women empowerment has gained traction over the years, however, statistics still reveal low and disproportionate levels of women in governance. As of 1 December 2018, women constitute 5.6% of the House of Representatives and 6.5% of the Senate. There has been neither a female State governor nor president.

The under-representation of women in the political field occurs for a number of reasons:

Socio—cultural constraints and violence: Due to social constructs, religious and cultural beliefs, women in Nigeria have always been a marginalized group. These traditions continue to emphasize women’s primary roles as mothers and housewives, and in turn restrict them to those roles. A patriarchal value system favors ‘traditional cultural values’, against the advancement and participation of women in any political process. Culturally, there is also the belief that women are supposed to be led, and should not lead. This collective image of women in secondary, apolitical roles continues to dominate, and informs a destructive social conditioning that does nothing to see to the progression of women, and society in the broader sense. Thus in such a patriarchal political context, women are often subjected to a significant amount of discrimination, intimidation and gender-based violence, which is known to deter women from participating in any political activity.

Economic factors: The woman’s experience of discrimination has always been a disadvantage for women in an economic capacity. It is pervasive knowledge that men are generally paid more than women in similar roles, and enjoy ownership of more assets and access to money, than women. Shvedova (2002) argues that the social and economic status of women in society has a direct influence on their participation in political institutions and elected bodies. In other words, the lack of economic resources is one of the biggest obstacles that prevent women from participating in politics in greater numbers. Given the rising cost of running an effective campaign, this poses another serious hurdle for women in Nigeria.

Political party formation and management: The lack of a gender balance in political parties has been a source of much dispute, as underscored by All Progressives Congress (APC) women members, who continuously express their discontent with the lack of gender parity in the ruling party. Political parties in Nigeria originally evolved from informal meetings, whereby participants were exclusively male. This inevitably excluded women from the formation stage of political parties, and also denied them the chance to contribute and benefit from collective ownership of the parties. Consequently, women are not readily perceived as equal stakeholders in their political parties and are often sidelined. So in this case, women are disadvantaged from the party stage, before they even get the chance to compete at the local or national levels, as in-party tickets are not readily given to female candidates. However, there is an undeniable pattern of parties being more willing to view women from wealthy or influential backgrounds, as politically equal. The likes of Gbemi Saraki (former Senate President Bukola Saraki’s sister and the daughter of former Senator Olusola Saraki), Omosede Igbinedion (from the prominent Igbinedion family) and Oluremi Tinubu (wife of former Governor of Lagos State Bola Tinubu), all come from influential and prominent families. It can be argued that, the cushioning of their backgrounds, often adds a layer of credibility as a woman in politics, and this speaks to another issue of the classed levels of discrimination that women in politics are subjected to.

The fact that political parties also lack affirmative action quotas, is an additional challenge for women. In a 1997 conference, South Africa’s ruling party the African National Congress (ANC) amended its constitution to include a provision, which effectively sets a one-third quota for women in the every pillar of the party. Over the years, this quota has aided in improving the gender balance in the ANC. However, it is important to note that quotas must be accompanied by the necessary implementation, so as to not be reduced to performative action. The Nigerian National Gender Policy provides for the number of women in elective and appointive positions to be increased to 35%. But given the current levels of women in such positions, it is clear that policy measures do not readily translate into a substantive reality. So the success of affirmative action quotas is heavily annexed in consistent and meaningful efforts, to ensure that the quotas are met.

Non-domestication of international treaties dealing with the interests of women: The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is a landmark international legal instrument that is centered on aiming to achieve gender equality and improving the women’s rights situation universally. Although Nigeria had ratified CEDAW in 1985, it has not domesticated it. As a party to CEDAW, Nigeria is under an obligation to implement the provisions of the convention and report back to the CEDAW committee of experts every four years. The Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre (CIRDDOC) has been working closely with the Senate and House of Representatives Committees on Women, the Federal Ministry of Justice and the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs on the domestication of CEDAW.

As we move into post-election Nigeria and commemorate International Women’s Day 2019 #IWD2019, it’s important to explore the latter’s theme, being Balance for Better. In the context of women’s political participation in Nigeria, this would mean examining the existing political gender balance, with a view of establishing and implementing effective measures to aid in balancing the gender dynamic, break down the barriers preventing an increase in women’s political participation and open up political access to more women. Gone are the days of relying on restrictive socialized sentiments to oppose a woman’s leadership and political capacity, thereby obstructing her right to participate politically. Women must be equally represented in the political sphere and we must advocate for a more inclusive and balanced political system to achieve that.

About the writer
Aishat is a Pan-African lawyer, with a passion for human rights activism and pushing the African agenda forward. With a background in international law, she has worked with a number of private companies and international organisations in Addis Ababa, Abuja, London and Gaborone. She strongly believes in justice and equality for all and is actively committed to advocating for good governance, gender equality and the rights of the most marginalised groups of people.